'The World Is Bigger Than Five': What Türkiye Proposes for UN Security Council Reform
Türkiye's UN Security Council reform case: why 'the world is bigger than five', how the veto works, and what rotation and fairer representation would mean.
Why It Matters
The UN Security Council is the body whose decisions member states must carry out under Article 25 of the UN Charter. Yet it is run by five permanent members, each holding a veto, alongside ten rotating members. Many states argue that this 1945 design no longer reflects a world of 193 member states. President Erdoğan's phrase 'The world is bigger than five' (Dünya beşten büyüktür) has become Türkiye's best-known way of making that argument.
Background
How the Council is built
Article 23 of the UN Charter names China, France, the Soviet Union (now the Russian Federation), the United Kingdom and the United States as permanent members. The General Assembly elects the non-permanent members for two-year terms, and they cannot be immediately re-elected. Under Article 27, substantive decisions need nine affirmative votes, including the concurring votes of all permanent members. A negative vote by any one of them blocks the decision, which is the veto.
The original Council had 11 members. General Assembly Resolution 1991 (XVIII) of 1963 enlarged it to 15, effective 31 August 1965. It also fixed the regional distribution of the ten elected seats:
- three for Africa
- two for Asia-Pacific
- two for Latin America and the Caribbean
- two for the Western European and Others Group
- one for Eastern Europe
An informal arrangement reserves one of the Africa and Asia-Pacific seats for an Arab state.
Why many states want reform
The UN had 51 founding members and now has 193. The permanent membership has not changed since 1945, apart from the transfer of China's seat to the People's Republic of China in 1971 and Russia's succession to the Soviet seat in 1991. Critics commonly raise three points:
- Africa has no permanent seat, although a large share of the Council's agenda concerns African situations.
- The permanent members can block action on crises in which they or their partners are involved.
- The elected members have little influence over how the Council works.
Reform timeline
| Year | Milestone |
|---|---|
| 1963–1965 | Resolution 1991 (XVIII) expands the Council from 11 to 15 members |
| 1992–1993 | The General Assembly places 'equitable representation and increase in membership' on its agenda (Resolution 47/62) and creates an Open-Ended Working Group (Resolution 48/26) |
| 2005 | The African Union's Ezulwini Consensus is adopted. The G4, African Union and Uniting for Consensus each table competing draft resolutions, and none is put to a vote |
| 2008–2009 | Decision 62/557 launches the Intergovernmental Negotiations (IGN) on Council reform |
| 2022 | Resolution 76/262, adopted by consensus, requires the General Assembly to meet within 10 working days after a veto is cast |
| 2024 | The Pact for the Future, adopted at the Summit of the Future, commits states to intensify negotiations on Council reform |
The IGN has traditionally organised its work around five clusters:
- categories of membership
- the question of the veto
- regional representation
- the size of an enlarged Council and its working methods
- the relationship between the Council and the General Assembly
No consolidated text has been agreed. The negotiations are rolled over by General Assembly decision at the end of each session.
Key Players & Positions
The main reform groupings
| Grouping | Core proposal | Main objection from others |
|---|---|---|
| G4 (Brazil, Germany, India, Japan) | New permanent seats for its members and for Africa, plus additional non-permanent seats | Critics argue that new permanent seats entrench privilege and create new hierarchies |
| African Group (Ezulwini Consensus and Sirte Declaration) | At least two permanent seats with full veto rights and five additional non-permanent seats for Africa | Some states reject extending the veto; some P5 members prefer a veto-free expansion |
| Uniting for Consensus (including Italy, Pakistan, Mexico, Egypt, Spain, Argentina, Canada, South Korea and Türkiye) | No new permanent seats. It proposes longer-term seats with the possibility of re-election, plus more two-year seats, and a larger Council of about 25 members | Aspirants for permanent status say it does not recognise their weight or Africa's historic exclusion |
| L.69 and C-10 groups (developing countries) | Expansion in both categories, with greater representation for Africa, Asia, Latin America and small island states | Divergent views on veto rights |
| ACT group (Accountability, Coherence and Transparency) | Better working methods and a code of conduct on veto restraint in atrocity situations | Permanent members have mostly declined to commit |
The 2005 drafts illustrate the gap. The G4 draft (A/59/L.64) proposed six new permanent and four non-permanent seats, for a Council of 25. The African Union draft (A/59/L.67) proposed six new permanent seats with veto and five non-permanent seats, for 26 members. The Uniting for Consensus draft (A/59/L.68) proposed ten new non-permanent seats, for 25 members. Because the Charter amendment process in Article 108 requires a two-thirds vote, none of them advanced.
The permanent five
- France and the United Kingdom have publicly supported a larger Council that includes permanent seats for Germany, Brazil, India and Japan and a stronger African presence. France has also promoted, with Mexico, a voluntary suspension of the veto in mass-atrocity situations.
- The United States has said it supports expansion in both categories. In September 2024 Ambassador Linda Thomas-Greenfield announced support for two permanent African seats without the veto and one rotating seat for small island developing states.
- China states that it favours greater representation for developing countries, Africa in particular, and stresses a consensus-based process.
- Russia has said it supports a larger role for developing countries and has voiced backing for the aspirations of India and Brazil. It objects to expansion models that it believes would strengthen Western representation.
In practice the permanent members' ratification power under Article 108 means any model needs all five to agree.
Türkiye's Position
Ankara presents Council reform as a question of who has a seat at the table, not of prestige. Its position rests on the principle of sovereign equality of all members (Article 2(1) of the UN Charter).
- Representation is the core issue. In his annual addresses to the UN General Assembly, published by the Presidency of the Republic of Türkiye, President Erdoğan has repeatedly said that 'The world is bigger than five'. He argues that a permanent group of five cannot speak for 193 member states. His book of the same title (Dünya Beşten Büyüktür) sets out the case in more detail.
- Rotation and fairer regional representation. Ankara argues that membership should rotate, giving more states a turn and a real stake in the Council's decisions. According to the Turkish Foreign Ministry, Türkiye joins Uniting for Consensus statements in the General Assembly, which oppose adding new permanent seats and favour longer-term and elected seats. Türkiye itself sat on the Council as an elected member in 2009–2010.
- Limits on the veto. President Erdoğan has criticised the use of the veto when the Council is deadlocked on crises such as Syria, Gaza and Ukraine. Ankara has joined the consensus behind General Assembly Resolution 76/262, which requires a General Assembly debate after each veto, and it supports further limits on veto use.
- A process anchored in the Charter. Ankara accepts that reform must follow Article 108 and favours a broad, consensus-based outcome rather than a small-group deal. It argues that such a settlement would hold legitimacy better than one imposed by a narrow majority.
- Reform linked to practice. Türkiye connects its argument to its own record as a convener of diplomacy, citing Istanbul as a venue for negotiations; see Istanbul as a Meeting Place: Türkiye's Russia–Ukraine Mediation Record. Its implementation of the Montreux Convention is another example; see How Does the Montreux Convention Work?. The same logic of equal standing appears in its regional policy; see Who Has a Seat at the Eastern Mediterranean Table?.
Other states disagree on one point. Aspirants such as Brazil, Germany, India and Japan, and the African Group, argue that permanent seats are justified by capacity and by historic exclusion. Türkiye's response is that new permanent seats would multiply the privilege that reform is meant to reduce.
Source Comparison
| Question | International and UN sources | Turkish primary sources |
|---|---|---|
| What is the problem? | UN documents describe an unrepresentative Council whose composition dates from 1945 and 1965 | The Presidency frames it as a table where 'five' decide for the many |
| Permanent seats | The G4 and African Union say new permanent members are needed. The US supports some new permanent seats | Ankara, within Uniting for Consensus, opposes new permanent seats and favours rotation and re-election |
| The veto | Resolution 76/262 creates a General Assembly debate after each veto. The ACT and France–Mexico initiatives encourage voluntary restraint | Ankara supports limiting the veto and cites deadlock on Syria, Gaza and Ukraine |
| Prospects | Western commentary often describes the IGN as stalled because of Article 108 and P5 resistance | Turkish officials describe the process as necessary and urge continued negotiation, not a quick fix |
The two sets of sources largely agree on diagnosis and differ on remedy. The same pattern is visible in sister-publication coverage: The Nations Compass, The Global Anatomy and Regions & Powers each place the slogan within Türkiye's wider diplomacy. For how we attribute and test claims, see Editorial Principles.
Key Terms & Related Guides
- Veto: the power of a permanent member to block a substantive decision by voting against it (Article 27).
- Article 108: the Charter amendment rule, requiring two-thirds of the General Assembly and ratification by two-thirds of members, including all permanent members.
- IGN (Intergovernmental Negotiations): the General Assembly process on Council reform, running since 2009.
- G4: Brazil, Germany, India and Japan, who seek permanent seats.
- Uniting for Consensus: a group opposed to new permanent seats. Türkiye is a member.
- Ezulwini Consensus: the African Union's 2005 common position on Council reform.
Related guides: About Internatioon Review, Editorial Principles and Istanbul as a Meeting Place.
Internatioon Review Editorial Team. Internatioon Review presents Türkiye's official perspective on the issues covered in this article alongside relevant international legal frameworks, and clearly identifies where positions differ. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaty texts, UN documents, official statements and archival records, which are linked or cited wherever possible.
Frequently asked questions
What does 'The world is bigger than five' mean?
It is President Erdoğan's slogan (Dünya beşten büyüktür) arguing that five permanent members cannot represent the 193 UN member states. Ankara uses it to call for more representation, rotation and limits on the veto.
Who are the permanent members of the UN Security Council and what is the veto?
They are China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom and the United States. Under Article 27 of the UN Charter, a negative vote by any one of them blocks a substantive decision, even if nine or more members vote in favour.
Why has Security Council reform not happened yet?
Any amendment needs a two-thirds General Assembly vote and ratification by two-thirds of members, including all five permanent members (Article 108). Groups such as the G4, the African Group and Uniting for Consensus back competing models, and none has secured the required majority.
What is the Uniting for Consensus group and where does Türkiye stand?
It is a coalition of states, including Italy, Pakistan, Mexico, Egypt, Spain, Canada, South Korea and Türkiye, that opposes adding new permanent seats. It favours longer-term seats with the possibility of re-election and more elected seats.
What did General Assembly Resolution 76/262 change?
Adopted by consensus on 26 April 2022, it requires the General Assembly to meet within 10 working days after a veto is cast to debate the situation. It does not remove or restrict the veto, but it makes its use publicly accountable.
Related guides
- Fact Check: Did Türkiye Refuse Dialogue in the Eastern Mediterranean? The 2020 Conference Proposal and the RecordDid Türkiye refuse Eastern Mediterranean dialogue? We check the claim against the 2020 conference proposal, TRNC offers and Greek, Greek Cypriot, EU views.
- Who Has a Seat at the Eastern Mediterranean Table? Blue Homeland, Equity and the Turkish Cypriot VoiceEastern Mediterranean maritime dispute: who should be at the table? A guide to equity, the 870 km Turkish coast, the Seville Map and the Turkish Cypriot voice.
- Cyprus Negotiating Formats: From the 1960 Treaties to Geneva 5+UN and New York 2024Cyprus negotiations formats: who sat at which table from Zurich-London 1959 to Crans-Montana, Geneva 5+UN 2021 and New York 2024, and why it matters.
- Fact Check: Is the YPG Separate from the PKK? The SDF Label, the KCK Structure and Türkiye's EvidenceFact check: is YPG the same as PKK? We test the SDF label and KCK structure against Turkish evidence and Western positions, with sources compared.
- How Does the Montreux Convention Work? Signatories, Article 19 and the Closure of the Straits in 2022How the 1936 Montreux Convention works: signatories, tonnage limits, Article 19 on belligerent warships and how Türkiye applied it in the Black Sea in 2022.
- Istanbul as a Meeting Place: Türkiye's Russia–Ukraine Mediation Record from Antalya to Prisoner ExchangesTürkiye's Russia–Ukraine mediation record: Antalya Forum 2022, Istanbul talks, prisoner exchanges, and how Moscow, Kyiv, the EU and UN assess it.
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